Summer Moore
Alpine Archaeological Consultants, Inc.
Presented at the
Alpine
Archaeology excavated a portion of site 5MF6175, known as the Mouse House site,
in 2005. The site is located in
The site is located on rolling sagebrush uplands and has long-distance views to the Little Snake River. The housepit locus is situated on the lee side of a hill and is encompassed by a “sand shadow” that provided for easy depression construction (McFaul 2006). An abundance of quartzite cobbles associated with the ancient Little Snake floodplain is located on the next terrace above the site; these cobbles would have provided quick access to lithic raw material.
The site’s original discovery stain was basin-shaped and almost six meters across. Based on differences in apparent depths on both sides of the stain, as well as a significant contrast between the fill colors on each side of the stain, it was suspected that the profile actually exposed two superimposed house depressions. This suspicion was confirmed following later excavation in the block, and a third structural depression was identified behind the dark stain shown on the left. This third depression was also partially superimposed on the remains of House 1, creating a “Mickey Mouse” effect in plan view. Five radiocarbon samples obtained from the structures produced similar date ranges within the Settled Archaic period, all of which fell between 4400 and 4000 cal B.C. (Beta Analytic-212275 through 212279). As the structural depressions were partially superimposed on one another, the sequence of construction was difficult to recognize; however, some evidence for the interpretation of house sequence is available from stratigraphic information.
The
presence of a thermal feature and associated occupation surface above the
Archaic-era deposits also indicated a reoccupation of the site during the
Formative era. A radiocarbon sample from
the feature produced calibrated date of A.D. 400 to 640 (Beta-212274). Additionally, a
Structure 1 was a large, deep housepit oriented approximately northwest to southeast. This housepit was the largest and most complete structure excavated during 2005 salvage excavations at the site. A large portion of the structure’s eastern boundary was destroyed by pipeline construction prior to excavation. One possible posthole was identified on the structure’s floor, near the perimeter of the housepit on its southern side. Sides of the structure were sharply slanted to the deeply excavated floor, which was slightly basin-shaped and somewhat undulating. No entrance was identified within the remaining portion of the structure; however, chances are that the entryway was located on the downhill side of the structure, the portion that was removed during pipeline construction. Five thermal pits were located around the structure perimeter, including one especially large feature that contained charred biscuitroot remains. This feature was consequently identified as a roasting pit. Two concentrations of FCR were located on the floor of the structure, in associating with the roasting pit and other thermal pits on the structure’s northern end. Although no floor artifacts were recovered from the structure, three of its features contained a total of 59 chert and quartzite flakes. Measurements of the portion of the structure remaining at the time of excavation showed that the structure was at least 5 m long by 4 m wide, with a depth of approximately 95 cm to 1 m. Pooled radiocarbon dates from floor features yielded a date range of 4244 to 4048 B.C. (Beta Analytical-212275; Beta Analytical-212277), a range that falls within the Settled Archaic period (Reed and Metcalf 1999).
This depression was located to the south of Structure 1 and was only partially excavated in 2005, as a significant portion of the structure lay outside of the 2005 discovery excavation block. Based on work so far, the relationship between Structures 1 and 2 is unclear—Structure 2 may have been excavated after House 1, concurrently with it, as an adjoining room or antechamber, or it may potentially even have been constructed before House 1 and simply cleared of fill for use as an activity area during occupation of House 1. Whichever way it happened, it is clear from the structure’s excavation block profile that the last use of the structure did not pre-date the occupation of House 1. As for the form of the depression itself, it can be seen in profile that Structure 2 had steep sides, at least on its northern margin, and a sloped floor, in keeping with the slope of the hillside before it was bladed. The total length of this structure, as seen in the western wall profile, was approximately 3 m, with a maximum depth of approximately 45 cm. Two small pits were found on the floor of the depression that may have served as post sockets or small hearths. Additionally, two concentrations of FCR were found on the floor that may have been associated with thermal pit features located outside the excavated area of the pit. A sample of fill from Structure 2 returned calibrated radiocarbon dates of cal 4338 to 4067 B.C., placing construction and occupation of this structure approximately contemporaneous with House 1.
Structure 3 was located in the discovery profile, along with Structure 1. Only a sliver of this structure remained, as it was, in addition to having been truncated by the original construction of Structure 1, the structure to experience the most damage from pipeline trench construction. Structure 3 had an undulating floor and a rather sharply slanting southern wall. A portion of the overlying fill of the structure appears to have been removed during construction and occupation of House 1 and replaced by activity debris associated with this larger, later house. Houses 1 and 3 appear to share the same prehistoric ground surface and so many have had similar periods of occupation. Pooled radiocarbon dates place House 3 within a range of cal 4337 to 4239 B.C. (Beta-212276; Beta-212279), a date range slightly earlier than and statistically different than the range produced by the House 1 samples. The original diameter of the structure is unknown but may have been as much as 5 to 6 m, with a depth of approximately 75 cm. One possible posthole socket was present along the perimeter of the structure depression, and a single thermal feature, possibly situated in the center of the housepit, was identified. Artifacts recovered from the feature included a grinding slab recycled as a roasting rock and two flakes; additionally, a reconstructible grinding slab and an associated mano were found on a high spot of the structure’s floor.
Having
summarized what was found at the Mouse House Site in 2005, I would like to
discuss the implications of these findings.
The results presented here are preliminary to some degree, as the
results of pollen and faunal analysis have not yet been received. Consequently, in this paper I focus on using
structural evidence to support a particular model for Archaic mobility in
northwest
Although basin houses and other semi-subterranean structures have traditionally been associated with cool-season occupations (Gilman 1987), several features of the housepits excavated at the Mouse House site suggest that they functioned as winter residences, possibly sheltering their occupants during the coldest portions of the winter. This discussion focuses primarily on Structure 1, the largest of the structures and the one for which the greatest amount of structural information is available. Although many aspects of Archaic hunter-gatherer seasonal mobility are still unknown, the discovery of larger housepit structures such as Yarmony House (5EA799) in Eagle County (Metcalf 1997) and House 1 at the Mouse House site demonstrates the need for prehistoric settlement and mobility models that allow for the winter occupation of high-elevation areas in Colorado. According to the model of Archaic mobility presented by Metcalf and Black (1997) in association with the findings at Yarmony House, groups of individuals operated within a fairly limited area of yearly movement, concentrating on moving between higher and lower elevations to manage seasonal changes in temperature and other environmental conditions. Winter occupation, as maintained by this model, typically occurred in lower-elevation parks and valleys and was semi-sedentary in nature, with individuals depending on a variety of previously collected and stored foods for subsistence (Metcalf and Black 1997). In this view, elaborate, deeply constructed structures such as Yarmony House represent a strategy intended to provide occupants with some degree of comfort during the cold season.
Although Metcalf
and Black’s (1997) model is focused on the Colorado Rocky Mountain interior, it
seems that aspects of their model may apply outside the intended study area, as
well, as House 1 at the Mouse House site seems to conform closely to the
typical characteristics they discuss with regard to housepits built for winter
occupation. According to Metcalf and
Black (1997), structures or residential bases constructed for cold-season
inhabitance should exhibit a certain set of common characteristics, which
include (1) site placement on slopes above valley floors, in areas that fall
within big game winter range; (2) the presence of “substantial shelters,
associated storage facilities and interior hearths for heating” (195-196); (3)
the occurrence of “storable plant foods” and marrow and fat rendering (196);
and, finally (4) an artifact assemblage exhibiting a high level of diversity,
such as would be evident at any residential base such as that described by
Binford (1980). Based on these
characteristics, it seems likely that House 1 was constructed and used as a
winter habitation. First, in terms of
site placement, House 1 is located on the lee side of a hill above Bighole
Gulch, in a location that would provide shelter from southwest winds. The area is intensely used by game animals,
including antelope, deer, and elk, in late fall and, presumably, winter as
well. Large, modern game blinds were
located nearby, almost within view of the site, and were located at
approximately the same elevation as the housepit complex. Second, concerning the architectural design
of the house, the structure was particularly large, as compared to the range of
housepit sizes recorded in
The third and fourth criteria presented by Metcalf and Black (1997) are concerned not so much with season of occupation as with duration of occupation, a topic that I’ll get to in the next section. In terms of subsistence and artifactual evidence, however, it appears that residents of House 1 were sufficiently equipped with storage space to make wintering-over a possibility; the artifact assemblage, additionally, is sufficiently diverse to account for long-term use of the site as a residential location.
The length
of time for which housepits were occupied is a topic of debate, with views of
occupation length ranging from year-around (Shields 1997; Miller and McGuire
1997) to season-long (Metcalf and Black 1997) to a much briefer, yet
unspecified period of time (Smith 2003).
In his article regarding hunter-gatherer mobility and housepit
construction, Smith (2003) discusses an aspect of this debate that seems
crucial to understanding hunter-gatherer mobility patterns—he characterizes the
majority of
Metcalf and
Black’s (1997) model concerning winter residences seems to presuppose that a
house built for winter occupation would be occupied throughout the entire
season, a circumstance that Smith’s (2003) argument does not necessarily
support. In Smith’s (2003) view,
housepits may have been occupied during the winter, but they were occupied
briefly, with the amount of labor spent in constructing them being returned by
the fact that they would later be available for reoccupation if needed. To explain why it seems that, at least in the
case of House 1, winter occupation was a season-long affair, we will
discuss three different lines of evidence: (1) subsistence information,
including the potential for food storage; (2) direct, artifactual evidence;
and, finally, (3) in what seems like the most important argument for
season-long winter occupation, the level of effort placed into the construction
of larger structures such as House 1.
First, as mentioned by Metcalf and Black (1997) in their criteria for
winter occupation, in residence intended for over-wintering a researcher would
expect to find evidence of plant and animal food storage and the use of stored
foods. As ancillary and faunal analyses
have not yet been returned, it is difficult to create a picture of subsistence
practices associated with the structure; however, the potential for extensive
storage space exists both within the structure and within the numerous pits
excavated in the interior of the structure.
Additionally, biscuitroot, a food occasionally described as stored
before use (Francis 2000) was located during Alpine’s macrobotanical
analysis. Although evidence of sagebrush
charcoal was recovered from all five pits, indicating that they were used as
heat-producing features at one time, these pits could just as easily have been
used as storage pits, perhaps converted to fire pits after their food supply
was exhausted. Second, in terms of
direct, archaeological evidence for long-term occupation of the site, it seems
that artifactual and archaeological evidence suggests that the site was used as
a residential base in the sense laid out by Binford (1980). This criterion is a fourth measure for winter
occupation identified by Metcalf and Black (1997). Although artifact counts from the site were
low, in keeping with the trend in semi-subterranean structures excavated in
this part of
Finally, a
third line of evidence for season-long winter occupation of House 1 at the
Mouse House site is based on the nature of the house itself and the effort
required to construct such a substantial structure. Why, for example, would a family group choose
to build a bigger house, rather than a smaller one? For one, a bigger house provides more living
and sleeping area, as well as a greater amount of interior workspace. It will house more occupants, additionally,
as well as, potentially, impress the neighbors.
On the other hand, why would a family group choose to build a smaller
house? Smaller houses, of course, are
easier and quicker to build, as well as more efficient to heat. Apparently, then, as it turns out, smaller
houses, as a more efficient use of human resources, would be preferable to
individuals or groups, unless someone had a particular reason for wanting to
build a bigger one. This trend, clearly,
is reflected in the numbers of small houses, as compared to large ones. This histogram, showing data from excavated
housepits in western

Figure 1. Range of housepit volumes
throughout
Structure depth, additionally, seems likely to have been
governed largely by choices about efficiency and perceived benefit. A deeper house, naturally, would have greater
headroom and be much better insulated against changing temperatures. Deeper structures, additionally, would create
more secure storage areas. On the other
hand, however, the excavation of additional depth from a structure’s floor is a
very labor-intensive operation and one that becomes more labor-intensive as the
floor area becomes greater. As shown in
this graph, pit structure depths show two modes, at 0.3 m and 0.5 m,
respectively, after which frequencies grade off significantly. This patterning might indicate, then, that
excavation to a depth below 0.5 m below the prehistoric ground surface was
unusual and only occurred if sufficient motivating factors were present to make
this added degree of excavation “worthwhile” for some reason or another. Clearly, these two outliers (see Figure 2), with interior depths of 1.3 m each, differ from the
population as a whole and as such can be considered to be operating under a
separate set of social and cultural factors.
Yarmony House (Metcalf 1991; Metcalf and Black 1997), Medicine House
(Miller and McGuire 1997), one structure at site 48FR2330 (Reiss 1990), and
House 1 were all excavated to depths at least 80 or 85 cm below the prehistoric
ground surface, consequently lying well outside of the normal range of depths
for housepit structures. This
circumstance should lead to a discussion of what might motivate individuals in
a group to tackle such time-consuming building projects.

Figure 2. Range of housepit depths
throughout
This analysis of housepit size distributions was intended
to show two things. First, it was
supposed to show the range of variation in housepit dimensions and highlight
the differences between smaller houses, which tend to cluster in size, and the
larger houses, whose size measurements seem to increase exponentially after
reaching a certain size. Second, this
analysis was aimed at highlighting the extraordinary level of effort placed
into the construction of these houses.
If it is assumed that 8 m³ is the maximum excavated volume removable for
housepit construction by a typical family group, then it seems clear that
individuals would not just leave an excavated structure of this size, which was
apparently the result of some type of special effort, before the need to leave
it was absolute. Although Smith (2003)
discusses the potential ease of winter migratory movement, it seems that
leaving such a structure would be potentially dangerous during the winter
months. In addition to the fact that
another group would likely co-opt the structure after its initial abandonment,
it seems risky to set off from some known, sheltered spot, only to find that a
newly selected spot was already under claim of another group of individuals or
otherwise unsuitable in some way.
In summary, it appears that House 1 at the Mouse House
site was constructed as a substantial winter base for a group of individuals
operating under a collector-based resource procurement strategy. The site was likely occupied through the
winter, possibly to be abandoned in the spring—the presence of charred
biscuitroot fragments in an internal pit feature at abandonment might suggest
that biscuitroot roasting was among the last activities to have occurred
on-site during that particular occupation.
Overall, excavations in House 1 tend to support models of Archaic
mobility that allow for the construction of large housepits for over-wintering
as one strategy available to hunter-gatherers to use.
As shown by the multiple reoccupations of the site, including at least three apparently separate occasions of housepit building, as well as a later, Formative-era occupation of the site, the Mouse House site was a good spot, or at least it may have been from the point of view of Archaic hunter-gatherers. The site is characterized by good views above Bighole Gulch to the Little Snake River, including a viewshed of over a mile down-valley in many cases, easy, sandy digging, and a nearby, if relatively poor quality, quartzite lithic source. Reoccupation of the site as many as three times during, at most, a two hundred year period may indicate that a special set of circumstances was in effect during this period, such as the availability of some particular resource, the lingering visibility of site occupation in the area, or, even, historical memory that a substantial residence was once located on-site.
In conclusion, I would just like to say that, from a theoretical perspective, it seems that models of Archaic mobility should emphasize individual choice from among multiple alternatives—that a continuum appears to have existed along which differing degrees of seasonal sedentism were present on the cultural landscape. In this view, people chose one strategy over others based on individual needs, preferences, or gut feelings about the best strategy by which to manage environmental and seasonal conditions. In the case of the Mouse House, the preferential aspects of its locations may have been sufficient to warrant an extra amount of construction effort, if it meant that a family group would then be able to spend the winter in that spot.
Francis, J.E. 2000. Root Procurement in the
Gilman, P. A. 1987. "Architecture as Artifact: Pit
Structures and
Metcalf, M. D., and Kevin D. Black. 1997. Archaic
Period Logistical Organization in the
McFaul, M. 2006. Site Report: Geoarchaeological Assessments
at the Mouse House Site, 5MF6175. Laramie
Soils Service, Inc.,
Miller, M.E., and D.J. McGuire. 1997. Early
Plains Archaic Adaptations: A View from the Medicine House Site in the
Reed, A. D. and M. D. Metcalf. 1999.
Reiss, D. 1990. Archaeological
Investigations at Site 48FR2330.
Wyoming Project
Smith, C. S. 2003. "Hunter-Gatherer Mobility, Storage, and
Houses in a Marginal Environment: An Example from the Mid-Holocene of